Immigrants’ Socioeconomic Status in Balkan Countries (PISA 2022 data)

Today, I continue sharing insights about immigrants in the Balkans, comparing them to other European countries. In my previous post, I examined the native-immigrant achievement gap in PISA 2022, selecting five Balkan countries with at least 5% immigrant students in the sample: Slovenia, Serbia, Montenegro, Croatia, and Greece. For comparison, I also included Italy, Austria, Great Britain, and France.

Key Findings on the Native-Immigrant Achievement Gap

One of the most interesting conclusions was that Serbia, Montenegro, and Croatia stand out in contrast to the other countries in the study. In both Serbia and Montenegro, there is no significant achievement gap between native and immigrant students. In Croatia, the gap is the smallest among the selected countries (except for Great Britain). Additionally, in these three Balkan countries, first- and second-generation immigrants perform similarly, which is quite rare compared to other European nations.

This situation is likely linked to the specific characteristics of immigrants in these countries, particularly in terms of socioeconomic status (SES) and language background.

Socioeconomic Status (SES) of Immigrants in the Balkans

To better understand these patterns, I first examined differences in the PISA Index of Socioeconomic Status (SES) between native and immigrant students.

This SES index is based on three key factors: parental education, parental occupational status, household possessions and cultural resources. The index is standardized so that "0" represents the OECD mean SES, with a standard deviation of 1. This allows us to assess SES differences in terms of OECD standard deviations.

Figure 1 presents the average SES for native and immigrant students in each country.

Fig.1. Average SES for Native and Immigrant Students (by Country)

What does the data show?

• In most countries, native students have a higher SES than immigrants.

• However, in Serbia, Montenegro, and Croatia, as well as Great Britain, there is no significant SES disadvantage for immigrants.

• Interestingly, in Croatia, second-generation immigrant students have slightly lower SES than first-generation immigrants.

A particularly low SES for immigrant students was observed in France, Greece, and Italy, with native students in France having a higher SES than their Balkan counterparts.

Parental Occupational Status: The ISEI Index

Beyond general SES, I also examined differences in parental occupational status using the International Socio-Economic Index of Occupational Status (ISEI).

This index measures the social and economic prestige of an occupation, reflecting both educational requirements and income potential. Higher ISEI scores indicate professions with greater prestige and economic security.

Fig.2. Median of Highest Parental ISEI for Native and Immigrant Pupils (by Country)

This data show that the largest gaps in occupational status between natives and immigrants were found in France, Austria, and Italy. Specifically, in Italy, the median ISEI for immigrant students was below 30, meaning that at least 50% of immigrant students had parents in low-prestige occupations (e.g., sales assistants, cashiers, restaurant staff, carpenters, factory workers, taxi drivers).

However, in Serbia and Montenegro, no significant differences were found between native and immigrant families in terms of occupational status. In Croatia, second-generation immigrants had lower ISEI scores than both natives and first-generation immigrants.

Language Background of Immigrant Students

One of the most striking differences between Balkan immigrants and those in other European countries was in language proficiency.

Below, I present data on the percentage of immigrant students who speak a language at home that differs from the host country’s official language.

Fig.3. Proportion of Pupils Speaking a Home Language Different from the Host Country's Language

As we can see, in Serbia, Montenegro, and Croatia, a smaller proportion of immigrant students speak a different language at home compared to other countries. This is not surprising, given that most immigrants in these countries come from former Yugoslavia, where Serbo-Croatian was the official language. In contrast, France, Austria, and Greece have significantly higher rates of home language diversity, contributing to greater linguistic challenges for immigrant students.

Summarizing these findings, we see that in Serbia, Montenegro, and Croatia, immigrant students do not face significant disadvantages in terms of academic achievement, SES, or language proficiency compared to their native peers.

However, does this mean that immigrant students in these countries experience smooth adaptation and well-being? I will discuss this in detail next time.

Today, I’ve shared a small teaser, presenting the PISA index "Feeling Safe", which reflects students' perceived safety both at school and in general.

Fig.4. Average PISA Index "Feeling Safe" for Native and Immigrant Pupils (by Country)

This data demonstrates that despite equity in SES and academic achievement, first-generation immigrant students in Serbia and Montenegro reported feeling less safe than their native peers. In contrast, in countries where immigrants face significant SES and achievement gaps (e.g., Greece, Slovenia), their perceived safety levels were very close to those of native students.

This suggests that successful adaptation is not only about socioeconomic factors or academic success—psychological and social aspects also play a crucial role.

These findings challenge assumptions that SES, language proficiency and achievement are the primary barriers to immigrant integration. While Balkan immigrants may be on equal footing academically and socioeconomically, their well-being and sense of belonging remain areas of concern.

In my next post, I will explore the motivational and psychological aspects of immigrant students in the Balkans, focusing on their engagement, aspirations, and overall life satisfaction. Stay tuned!